Inequality continues to plague Latin America. According to the 2005 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report, the region registers very high levels of inequality: While the top 20% of the population earns 50% of the national income, the bottom 20% of the population earns only 5%. The inequality becomes even clearer when we compare it to a low-inequality country like Vietnam, where the poorest 20% of the population still captures three to four times more national income than their counterparts in Guatemala.
Over the last two decades, inequality has grown, and it is a trend with effects beyond income distribution. Those in the poorest sectors of society tend to die younger and are sick more often, exacerbated by insufficient access to health care services. Women in poor households are less likely to receive prenatal care and have their births attended by a trained medical assistant. As a result, their children are less likely to survive or, if they do, to finish school. Without education, children of poor households tend to become adults in the lower income bracket, leading to a cycle of poverty.
The Human Development Index (HDI) – which uses life expectancy, education and literacy, and standard of living to measure well-being, with a higher number meaning greater development – tends to camouflage the existence of regionalized concentrations of populations that are living in extreme poverty. Mexico, ranked as a High Development Country, provides a good example of this situation. Although the HDI of Mexico City is 0.89, in Chiapas – where Horizons’ work is focused – the figure drops down to 0.71, a low HDI similar to that of El Salvador. Moreover, the illiteracy rate in the capital is only 3%, versus 20% in Chiapas . This “hidden” poverty means poor communities are often overlooked when decisions are made about the distribution of foreign aid and social spending.
Inequalities are also linked to gender, location, race and ethnicity, all of which interact to continue these mutually reinforcing cycles of disadvantage. African-descendent populations face social and economic discrimination and receive lower quality education, as is the case in Honduras and Costa Rica. Indigenous people are far more likely to live in poverty, but rural indigenous people tend to live in poverty even greater than their urban counterparts. In Guatemala, for example, rural indigenous people have an incidence of poverty five times greater than the average for the urban non-indigenous population . Gender disparities are amongst the greatest and most pervasive of inequalities, with women often trailing their male-counterparts in education and income.
These social and economic inequalities play a role in the spread of Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV/AIDS): rates of HIV infection are much higher among women, indigenous, and afro-descendent populations. Honduras, one of the poorest countries in the region, has the highest prevalence of HIV, with close to 2% of its population infected with the virus. The lack of control women have over their lives and decisions regarding sex has led to a sharp increase in their rates of HIV/AIDS infection Central America, with AIDS now listed as the number one cause of death of Honduran women.
Clearly, gender discrimination plays a role in these disparities. Latin American society is deeply rooted in patriarchy, often placing women in subordinate roles where their contribution to the family and community is undervalued. In Honduras, for example, eight out of ten women suffer from domestic abuse. Maquiladora and domestic workers, predominantly women, are frequently denied labour rights and protection and often must face sexual discrimination and abuse in the workplace . Violence against women in the form of femicide (the killing of women because they are women) continues to be a major problem across the region: 1300 young women and girls were murdered in Guatemala alone between 2001 and 2005, and the number keeps growing .
This level of violence is often tied to gang activity, and youth gang violence is a growing problem within the region. It is estimated that there are some 25,000 to 30,000 active gang members in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras . One reason for the explosion of gang violence is the delayed effect of the end of the civil wars throughout the region. Weapons have flooded the market as guerrilla factions and paramilitary groups have disbanded, and become easily accessible to youth, still suffering from the emotional and social effects of the war . This situation is exacerbated by the lack of access to schooling and decent employment.
Peace accords were signed in El Salvador and Guatemala in the previous decade and the Contra War in Nicaragua came to an end in 1988, but the implementation of reforms has not been completed and democratic institutions are still weak . According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the economic and social conditions that were at the root of armed conflict throughout Central America still exist: of the eight poorest countries in Latin America, Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and El Salvador comprise one half. All of this highlights the reality that Central America still faces major challenges in the consolidation of democracy, protection of human rights, and a guarantee of accountability and transparency in government , leading to a lack of citizen security.
Natural disasters continue to wreak havoc on Mesoamerican populations. The mudslides in Guatemala and El Salvador as a result of Tropical Storm Stan in October 2005 serve as another illustration of the vulnerability of poor populations to such disasters: the enormous damage caused in Central America is not solely due to the volatile nature of the geographic region, but also to its socio-economic situation as poverty is the single most important influence on the impact of a disaster . It undoubtedly explains why certain populations are forced to live in areas particularly vulnerable to hurricanes and mudslides and why the infrastructure within these areas often cannot withstand such events. Furthermore, the costs related to natural disasters place an enormous financial burden on countries within the region which often do not have the financial means to handle the losses and costs associated with disaster relief, recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction.
Grassroots organizations have found themselves in a more tenuous financial situation. As the “War on Terror” continues, Southern organizations that look critically at the activities of the United States government risk losing funding from their northern neighbour. Moreover, some U.S. funders now make renewed support contingent on signing a declaration that organizations will not be involved with “terrorist” organizations and, given the broad application of this term by the U.S., put in doubt NGOs’ ability to work – even in areas such as human rights, peace and sustainable development – with communities that engage in local advocacy and protest initiatives.
Foreign business interests continue to expand in the region, at times with negative consequences for local populations. Communities in Sipacapa, San Marcos, Guatemala, in San Luis Potosi, Mexico and the Siria Valley in Honduras continue to oppose mining operations because of concerns over the inevitable environmental damage and a loss of control within their communities. These are similar concerns to those shared by many Central Americans over the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) already approved by the governments of the region with the exception of Costa Rica, although the current government will likely eliminate this exception. If the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in Mexico are any indication, it may bring increased hardship through a drop in the prices for agricultural products and an “uneven playing field” on which economically weaker countries will not be able to compete.
One looks for hope for positive change in the future to an increasingly organized civil society. The strongest and most effective policy and development initiatives come from grassroots groups within the region: women are organizing and working together to defend their rights; agricultural communities are implementing sustainable agricultural practices; indigenous groups are creating space for their concerns to be heard, to name a few examples. It is within this context that Horizons continues to work with organizations in some of the most marginalized areas to further its objective to eradicate social injustice and poverty and promote citizen participation within the political arena, often with a specific focus on women’s rights and empowerment.
Sources:
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP): Human Development Report
Human Rights Watch: Women and Girls Face Job Discrimination
Resource Center of the Americas: Grim News in Central America: Wave of Gang Violence Grows, and Murders of Women in Guatemala Skyrocket
Washington Office on Latin America: Central America
United Nations Disaster Management Training Programme (UNDMTP): Disasters and Development
