Inequality continues to plague Latin America. According to the 2005 United Nations Development Program (UNDP) Human Development Report, the region registers very high levels of inequality, with an overall Gini coefficient of 0.57. That is to say, while the top 20 percent of the population earns 50 percent of the national income, the bottom 20 percent of the population earns only five percent. The scale of such inequality becomes clear when these figures are compared to those areas designated as low-inequality: the poorest 20 percent of the population in a low-inequality country, such as Vietnam, still captures three to four times more national income than their counterparts in Guatemala.
Over the last two decades, inequality has grown, and it is a trend with effects beyond income distribution. Those in the poorest sectors of society tend to die younger and are sick more often, exacerbated by insufficient access to health care services. Women in poor households are less likely to receive prenatal care and have their births attended by a trained medical assistant. As a result, their children are less likely to survive or, if they do, to finish school. Without education, children of poor households tend to become adults in the lower income bracket, leading to a cycle of poverty.
The Human Development Index (HDI) tends to camouflage the existence of micro-regional concentrations of populations that are living in extreme poverty. Mexico, ranked as a High Development Country, provides a good example of this situation. Although the HDI of Mexico City is 0.89, in Chiapas – where Horizons’ work is focused – the figure drops down to 0.71, a low HDI similar to that of El Salvador. Moreover, the illiteracy rate in the capital is only three percent, versus twenty percent in Chiapas1. This “hidden” poverty means poor communities are often overlooked when decisions are made about the distribution of foreign aid and social spending.
Inequalities are also linked to gender, location, race and ethnicity, all of which interact to continue these mutually reinforcing cycles of disadvantage. African-descendent populations face social and economic discrimination and receive lower quality education, as is the case in Honduras and Costa Rica. Indigenous people are far more likely to live in poverty, but rural indigenous people tend to live in poverty even greater than their urban counterparts. In Guatemala, for example, rural indigenous people have an incidence of poverty five times greater than the average for the urban non-indigenous population2. Gender disparities are amongst the greatest and most pervasive of inequalities, with women often trailing their male-counterparts in education and income.
These social and economic inequalities play a role in the spread of Human Immunodeficiency Virus and Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (HIV and AIDS): rates of HIV infection are much higher among women, indigenous, and afro-descendent populations. Honduras, one of the poorest countries in the region, has the highest prevalence of HIV, with close to two percent of its population infected with the virus. The lack of control women have over their lives and decisions regarding sex has led to a sharp increase in their rates of HIV infection Central America, with AIDS now listed as the number one cause of death of Honduran women.
Clearly, gender discrimination plays a role in these disparities. Latin American society is deeply rooted in patriarchy, often placing women in subordinate roles where their contribution to the family and community is undervalued. In Honduras, for example, eight out of ten women suffer from domestic abuse. Maquiladora and domestic workers, predominantly women, are frequently denied labour rights and protection and often must face sexual discrimination and abuse in the workplace3. Violence against women is a stark reality in Central America and is expressed in many forms including rape, abuse, harassment and forced prostitution. However, the most extreme form of violence against women – murder- has drastically increased in the region. Femicide is a form of gender violence, defined as the systematic killing of women based on their gender. In Mexico and Central America, these slayings are often accompanied by brutal torture, mutilations and rape. Families of victims, together with women’s and human rights organizations, are drawing public attention to these crimes and the unacceptable lack of government action to protect women. At least 1,000 women have been murdered in the past year alone in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica, according to research results compiled the Feminist Information and Action Centre (CEFEMINA).4 Femicide has most drastically increased in Guatemala, where according to Amnesty International, over 2,200 women and girls have been murdered since 2001.5
This level of violence is often tied to gang activity, and youth gang violence is a growing problem within the region. It is estimated that there are some 25,000 to 30,000 active gang members in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras6. One reason for the explosion of gang violence is the delayed effect of the end of the civil wars throughout the region. Weapons have flooded the market as guerrilla factions and paramilitary groups have disbanded, and become easily accessible to youth, still suffering from the emotional and social effects of the war7. This situation is exacerbated by the lack of access to schooling and decent employment.
Peace accords were signed in El Salvador and Guatemala in the previous decade and the Contra War in Nicaragua came to an end in 1988, but the implementation of reforms has not been completed and democratic institutions are still weak8. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), the economic and social conditions that were at the root of armed conflict throughout Central America still exist: of the eight poorest countries in Latin America, Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and El Salvador comprise one half. All of this highlights the reality that Central America still faces major challenges in the consolidation of democracy, protection of human rights, and a guarantee of accountability and transparency in government9, leading to a lack of citizen security.
Natural disasters continue to wreak havoc on Mesoamerican populations. The mudslides in Guatemala and El Salvador as a result of Tropical Storm Stan in October 2005 serve as another illustration of the vulnerability of poor populations to such disasters: the enormous damage caused in Central America is not solely due to the volatile nature of the geographic region, but also to its socio-economic situation as poverty is the single most important influence on the impact of a disaster10. It undoubtedly explains why certain populations are forced to live in areas particularly vulnerable to hurricanes and mudslides and why the infrastructure within these areas often cannot withstand such events. Furthermore, the costs related to natural disasters place an enormous financial burden on countries within the region which often do not have the financial means to handle the losses and costs associated with disaster relief, recovery, rehabilitation and reconstruction.
The tragic events of September 11, 2001 have been exploited by some nations to usher in a new world order in which the concept of security is redefined and narrowed, and social protest is criminalized. In this context, grassroots organizations have found themselves in a more tenuous situation on a number of fronts. As the “War on Terror” continues, Southern organizations that look critically at the activities of the United States government risk losing funding from their northern neighbour. Moreover, some U.S. funders now make renewed support contingent on signing a declaration that organizations will not be involved with “terrorist” organizations. Given the broad application of this term by the U.S., this puts in doubt NGOs’ ability to work – even in areas such as human rights, peace and sustainable development – with communities that engage in local advocacy and protest initiatives.
Foreign business interests continue to expand in the region, at times with negative consequences for local populations. Communities in Sipacapa, San Marcos, Guatemala, in San Luis Potosi, Mexico and the Siria Valley in Honduras continue to oppose mining operations because of concerns over the inevitable environmental damage and a loss of control within their communities. These are similar concerns to those shared by many Central Americans over the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) already approved by the governments of the region with the exception of Costa Rica, although the new government of Oscar Arias will likely eliminate this exception. If the effects of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in Mexico are any indication, it may bring increased hardship through a drop in the prices for agricultural products and an “uneven playing field” on which economically weaker countries will not be able to compete.
Hope for positive change in the future lies can be found in an increasingly organized civil society. The strongest and most effective policy and development initiatives come from grassroots groups within the region: women are organizing and working together to defend their rights; agricultural communities are implementing sustainable agricultural practices; indigenous groups are creating space for their concerns to be heard, to name a few examples. It is within this context that Horizons continues to work with organizations in some of the most marginalized areas to further its objective to eradicate social injustice and poverty and promote citizen participation within the political arena, with a specific focus on women’s rights and empowerment.
Within Canada, Horizons’ Community Outreach program reflects our work within Mesoamerica, and continues to promote citizen awareness and participation and solidarity in global issues, such as those highlighted above.
Currently, a broad representation of civil society organizations in Canada are calling for urgent and meaningful policy changes to break the cycle of poverty through the Make Poverty History campaign. Launched in early 2005, it is designed to bring greater attention to the problem of poverty in Canada and the developing world. A global initiative, the campaign is bringing pressure to bear on world leaders to make progress on poverty eradication a component of all economic policy development, particularly as it relates to trade agreements and debt cancellation; and it calls for governments to implement measures to meet Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
The campaign is making Canadians more aware of global issues and is another avenue for the public to become actively involved in social justice issues. Horizons believes this evolving context bodes well for our future work in motivating people to “Think globally, act locally”.
Footnotes
- UNDP Human Development Report http://hdr.undp.org/reports/global/2005
- ibid
- Human Rights Watch http://hrw.org/english/docs/2002/02/12/guatem3733.htm
- Nuevo Diario de Nicaragua 28/02/06 “Si es mujer, tenga cuidado” by Adriana Dávila at http://www.isis.cl/Feminicidio/Prensa/docprensa/febrero06/280206nicaragua.doc
- Amnesty International http://web.amnesty.org/library/print/ENGAMR340192006
- Washington Office on Latin America http://www.wola.org/central_america/central_america.htm
- Resource Center of the Americas.org http://www.americas.org/item_17768
- Washington Office on Latin America http://www.wola.org/central_america/central_america.htm
- ibid
- United Nations (UN) Disaster Management Training Program, www.undmtp.org/english/disaster_development/disaster_development.pdf
